Published in Military
Military
Podcast and Colloquium with David Tucker
I recorded a podcast last week with David Tucker who has been visiting Ashland for most of the past six months or so. We discussed many things, but primarily his new book, Illuminating the Dark Arts of War: Terrorism, Sabotage, and Subversion in Homeland Security and the New Conflict.
David also discussed these issues with the Ashbrook Scholars on Friday at a colloquium. They, too, had a good conversation which you can listen to here.
Presidency
In Defense of Bush's National Security Policy
Steve Knott, who teaches at the Naval War College, has just published Rush to Judgment: George W. Bush, the War on Terror, and His Critics, which offers a vigorous defense of President Bush's national security policies. Knott (who teaches in the MAHG program) argues that the assessment of any presidency requires a "decent interval" before judgment can be pronounced.
I've read all of Steve's books (though not the Don Knotts book in the link) and respect his scholarship and judgment greatly. He certainly picks his books' subjects well: Reagan, Hamilton, and covert actions. This is the defense Bush and his team should have been giving when they had the power (and the duty) to do so. Their failure to do so has led to cynicism in the public, the Obama election, the rise of Ron Paul, and decline in support for the vigorous foreign policy our country requires today. May Knott's work reverse these trends and advance prudence in politics.
Military
Obama's Risky Defense Policy
Foreign Affairs
Learning From Pearl Harbor
Herewith my annual plea that Roberta Wohlstetter's 1962 classic study, Pearl Harbor, be read by anyone interested in strategy, intelligence, and the post-9/11 world. (Here's a link to the googlebooks version.) As in 9/11, as Wohlstetter shows, U.S. leaders and military knew something was up, but the different "signals" were misinterpreted or not shared with other parts of the government. And unanticipated Japanese technological progress (combined with boldness) made possible a stunning attack. Try to track down her study of the Cuban missile crisis as well.
As I write this, I recall that the book was first called to my attention by the late Claremont professor Bill Rood. It would be fitting if this and Roberta Wohlstetter's other work were recalled at the 2012 APSA at the Claremont Institute panels.
History
The Civil War's Irish Volunteers
My name is Tim McDonald, I'm a native of the Isle,I was born among old Erin's bogs and left when but a child.My granddad fought in '98 for Liberty so dear;He fought and fell on Vinegar Hill as an Irish Volunteer.Then raise the harp of Erin, boys, the flag we all revere--We'll fight and fall beneath its folds like Irish Volunteers!When I was driven from my home by an oppressor's hand,I cut my sticks and greased my brogues and come o'er to this land.I found a home and many friends, and some that I love dear,Be jeebus I'll stick to them like bricks, an Irish volunteer.Then fill your glasses up, my boys, and drink a hearty cheer,To the land of our adoption and the Irish volunteer.Now when the traitors in the South commenced a warlike raid,I quickly then threw down my hod, to the Devil went my spade!To our recruiting office then I went, that happened to be near,And joined the good old Sixty-ninth like an Irish volunteer.Then fill the ranks and march away, no traitors do we fear;We'll drive them all to blazes, says the Irish volunteer!When the Prince of Wales came over here and made a hubbaboo,Oh, everyone turned out, you know, in gold and tinsel too;But the good old Sixty-ninth, they didn't like these lords or peers;They wouldn't give a damn for kings, the Irish volunteers!We love the land of Liberty, its laws we do hold dear,But the Devil take nobility, says the Irish volunteer!Now if the traitors in the South should ever cross our roads,We'll drive them to the Devil as Saint Patrick did the toads.We'll give them all short nooses that come just below the ears,Made good and strong from Irish hemp by Irish volunteers.And here's to brave McClellan, whom the army now reveres!He'll lead us on to victory, the Irish volunteers.Now fill your glasses up, my boys, a toast come drink with me:May Erin's Harp and the Starry Flag united ever be;May traitors quake, and rebels shake, and tremble in their fears,When next they meet the Yankee boys and the Irish volunteers!God bless the name of Washington! that name this land reveres;Success to Meagher, Nugent, and their Irish Volunteers!
Military
Veterans Day
Today is Veterans Day. This Christian Science Monitor points out that some 41 million Americans have served in the US military since 1775; 23 million of them are still alive, of whom 17 million served during a conflict. Thank you.
Someone reminded me of this, from G.K. Chesterton, on courage: "Courage is almost a contradiction in terms. It means a strong desire to live taking the form of a readiness to die. 'He that will lose his life, the same shall save it,' is not a piece of mysticism for saints and heroes. It is a piece of everyday advice for sailors or mountaineers. It might be printed in an Alpine guide or a drill book. This paradox is the whole principle of courage; even of quite earthly or quite brutal courage. A man cut off by the sea may save his life if he will risk it on the precipice.
He can only get away from death by continually stepping within an inch of it. A soldier surrounded by enemies, if he is to cut his way out, needs to combine a strong desire for living with a strange carelessness about dying. He must not merely cling to life, for then he will be a coward, and will not escape. He must not merely wait for death, for then he will be a suicide, and will not escape. He must seek his life in a spirit of furious indifference to it; he must desire life like water and yet drink death like wine. No philosopher, I fancy, has ever expressed this romantic riddle with adequate lucidity, and I certainly have not done so. But Christianity has done more: it has marked the limits of it in the awful graves of the suicide and the hero, showing the distance between him who dies for the sake of living and him who dies for the sake of dying." Semper fi.
Military
Memorials and Warriors
History
Saint Crispin's Day
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;For he to-day that sheds his blood with meShall be my brother; be he ne'er so vile,This day shall gentle his condition:And gentlemen in England now a-bedShall think themselves accursed they were not here,And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaksThat fought with us upon Saint Crispin's day.
Foreign Affairs
Iranian-Sponsored Terrorist Plot Foiled
History
Waking Up at Ten
No sooner had I recognized the building and recalled the terrible luck of that place (thinking, of course, of the 1993 bombing) than the second plane struck the second tower. This was a new order of things. I thought it was impossible for me to swell any more than I already had in the 8th month of my pregnancy, but this was not true. Anger filled every pore of my being and I thought I might explode. And then, as I watched the horror unfold--the tumbling of the buildings, the ash covering those who were able to flee, the realization that innumerable brave souls must have sacrificed themselves in order to save others as they ran into instead of running out of those buildings--the anger receded a bit and gave way to bitter heartache. Yet the anger found a permanent little refuge ever to dwell in my soul and I accepted it--though not without some regret. I would never, could never forget this. Nothing would make it right. Nothing could ever fully avenge it. It altered everyone who witnessed it as it would alter everyone who remembered it.
I remember sobbing much of the day and desperately clutching my curly-headed daughter, then only a toddler. She had no way of understanding what was going on or why her parents were so gut-stricken that day. But even she sensed that the world--which just the day before had included a carefree trip to the county fair--was now different and that joy, should it come, would come along with caution. The confidence that assures the vulnerable and makes them forget their condition was shaken. We were all vulnerable now. In truth, however, this was not a new state of things. It was just that a generation of Americans unaccustomed to acknowledging it except in abstractions, was rudely awakened to a fundamental truth of human existence: the good things in life are fragile. We had taken our security and prosperity for granted and, even more, we had assumed that our liberty was a given and a permanent fact. Coming to know what to do with this realization would be the hard (and often thankless) work of the next decade (or more). Remembering that realization--though it then seemed impossible that we could forget--will be the work of the decades to follow this anniversary.
On October 10, 2001 I woke up in the pre-dawn hours to realize that I was in labor. Since my daughter had been born in less than six hours and second babies generally come faster, I had been advised to get to the hospital at the first sign of contractions. When I arrived, however, the nurses examined me and I could hear them murmuring to each other about possibly sending me home. "She'll probably just be back later tonight or tomorrow," said one. "Tomorrow?" I thought, "No!" In addition to wishing to avoid anti-climax and continue with the dragging discomfort of heavy pregnancy, I could not bear the thought of birthing a son on the one-month anniversary of the attacks. A television, tuned to CNN, blared in the delivery room with pictures from the mammoth efforts to clean-up at Ground Zero. "Tomorrow will mark the one-month anniversary of the September 11 attacks," the anchors dutifully announced, as if anyone could forget. I pulled aside one of the nurses. Her son had just been mobilized to head over to Afghanistan and she read the look on my face. "He will be born today, not tomorrow. I understand," she assured me, and then she got my doctor to order a pitocin drip. It turned out, actually, to be barely necessary. My son was born about an hour and half after this conversation with the nurse.
As she brought him to me, I looked upon his little face and remembered my fears about raising a boy (as I come from a family accustomed only to girls). Even then, in that summer of calm before the storm, I knew that we would have to raise him to be strong in ways I did not fully comprehend. Yet I did not understand just how strong he would need to be until after 9/11. Ten years on, however, I understand that 9/11 did not alter the truth of this necessity. It only underlined it for me and, I hope, for a generation of mothers like me. And, yet, I wonder . . .
I understand the reluctance to remember and the wish to avoid unpleasant associations. But my children--both of them--have grown up in a post 9/11 world that, in the main, is marked by nothing but fear or solemn silence as it recalls those events.
We remember it when we line up like sheep to take off our shoes and have our persons probed at the airport. I remember one awful incident when my son (then 3) was traveling with a cast on his broken arm. He was whisked away from me to a separate room and swabbed for traces of explosives. Try explaining that to a toddler.
During most of the years of their schooling, 9/11 came and went without any formal acknowledgment or remark. Earth Day, on the other hand, has taken up to a week of acknowledgment and instruction. We don't fear teaching children to fear man's folly as it applies to pollution and the raping of the Earth's resources. But we still cannot look outright evil in the face. I expect that this year, being the 10th anniversary of the event, will mark some change. It will be necessary to say something. Yet I am betting that what gets said will be something like solemn regret for the so-called "tragedy" . . . as if this really were just another terrible plane crash. This is the beginning of forgetting--this choosing not to remember or to pass on what our parents' parents (though probably with better personal reasons) must also have chosen to forget to pass on: that every good thing we have is vulnerable when we do not understand how we got it or what it takes to keep it.
In the wake of 9/11 it appeared that a generation many had discounted was ready, quietly, to step up and do the job of securing liberty to themselves and their posterity. As we pass the 10 year mark, it is time for that same generation to consider whether their inclination to labor in reflexive silence and, often, without self-reflection is the best they can do for posterity.
Politics
9/11 Lessons
Two Claremonsters, Bill Voegeli and Tom West, reflect on the meaning of 9/11. Our NLT colleague Bill recalls the evacuations he and his fellow New Yorkers stoically endured. Tom West always fights for the wisdom of the founders:
My first reaction to the attack was anger -- certainly against the terrorists, but also against our government. The FAA disarmed pilots in 1987. Passengers and crew were ordered to submit quietly to hijackers' demands. In the name of safety, government banned the very thing that could have prevented the murder of thousands: the Founders' agenda of self-help, self-defense, and gun rights.
Their brief observations can be found at the end of this link on NRO.
Foreign Affairs
Shi Lang
Military
Silver-Haired Heroes of the Sky
Foreign Affairs
What Price Reset?
Russian President Dimitry Medvedev has been successful in negotiations with the Obama administration at getting the preamble to the new START treaty to include language that equates offensive missile technology with defensive capabilities. As controversy swirled over that dubious equation, it was discovered that the Russians have also requested a great deal of information regarding U.S. missile defense technology and operational authority as part of a separate missile defense agreement they have been working on with the Obama administration. And the Obama administration gives no indication that they will not happily share it as part of an effort to smooth relations with the former Soviets. Congress is attempting to prevent the administration from willy-nilly divulging that sensitive information and, of course, from allowing it to get into the hands of Russian allies like the Iranians. Whatever may be said about the "resetting" of relations with Russia, it remain cozy with nations--like Iran--that pose an unquestionable threat to U.S. security.
Technology
Cyberattack an Act of War
Military
Memorial Day Ride
Military
Memorial Day Tribute
Military
American Justice
Military
Reflections
Foreign Affairs
Mexico Travel Warnings
Technology
Navy Tests Ship-Based Laser
Foreign Affairs
Libya vs. Iraq?
This now viral video comparing Obama the awesome and Bush on their war-making rationales raises some serious points. It's clear that the President can wage war without declaring it--perfectly constitutional. A constitutionally dubious law, the War Powers Act, hedges in that power, while acknowledging its temporary use. Moreover: as important as the discussion of constitutionality is, it is subordinate to prudence and statesmanship. A perfectly constitutional action can also be perfectly stupid. And the humanitarian issue is at best secondary. But the President is obliged to explain. It's finals.
Primary issues: Is this the moment for vengeance against Ghadaffi for his killing of Americans? (We don't necessarily need civil war for that purpose.) Can we influence his successors? Will the oil keep flowing? Will the European powers act in concert in a way that supports our interests? Which regional powers will make use of a post-Ghadaffi Libya for good or ill?
I don't exclude the possibility of Obama/Clinton making the best of a demanding situation after initial flailing (viz. Honduras), but there is little in the Obama record to inspire confidence. One would think we are seeing a foreign policy produced by a man who is totally unrooted, completely anchorless. Exactly what one would expect from the author of Dreams From My Father.
How appropriate that the Libya operation has been dubbed Odyssey Dawn. Recall the first line of Homer's epic poem: "Sing to me of the man, Muse, the man of twists and turns/ driven time and again off course once he had plundered/ the hallowed heights of Troy."
Treppenwitz: I had forgotten to remark that the hypocrisy concerning this issue may work to a better understanding of what it means to live in a republican (small "r") form of government. To rule and be ruled under republican principles requires an understanding of and commitment to them. That is the basis of loyal opposition, not opposition for its own sake. A public person who could teach this lesson would deserve honor.
Foreign Affairs
Who Wields the Sword?
I previously criticized GOP complaints that Obama did not seek a formal declaration of war or permit congressional debate on the issue. However, I did not intend to address the propriety of Obama's having failed to seek any form of congressional approval. Obama's decision to forgo the sort of legislative mandate which George W. Bush sought and received has puzzled many - especially in light of Obama's own words on the subject from 2007.
The President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.
As Commander-in-Chief, the President does have a duty to protect and defend the United States. In instances of self-defense, the President would be within his constitutional authority to act before advising Congress or seeking its consent. History has shown us time and again, however, that military action is most successful when it is authorized and supported by the Legislative branch. It is always preferable to have the informed consent of Congress prior to any military action.
A commenter on this site suggested:
Obama doesn't feel he needs Congressional authorization when he's just received authorization from a source he deems more legitimate, id est, the United Nations.
It does seem to be inescapably obvious that approval by the Arab League and United Nations was sufficient for Obama to conduct military action. U.S. approval was deemed unnecessary. Unless Obama's views on the inherent war powers of the presidency have evolved, he must either believe that there was no time to consult Congress or intended to demonstrate the authority of international law within the context of the American Constitution.
The latter would be the most serious political declaration of the Obama presidency.
Military
A Formal Declaration of War?
The WSJ reports that leading GOP seem to be seeking a formal declaration of war on Libya. Apparently, Sen. Richard Lugar, ranking Republican on the Foreign Relations Committee, stated:
If the Obama administration decides to impose a no-fly zone or take other significant military action in Libya, I believe it should first seek a congressional debate on a declaration of war.
I don't see the reason for a break from tradition on the president's War Powers, and can't imagine the benefit of further delay so that Congress may debate. Obama has done nothing for weeks - Congress had plenty of time to debate. Lugar professes a disingenuous congressional impotence in feigning an inability to take up deliberations prior to presidential invitation. I don't recall similar demands on Bush from the right, and see no reason for a WWII-style resolution for Libya (Europe would not follow suit, and America would appear to be setting the stage for a lengthy invasion - quite contrary to our intent).
Whether Obama has an interest in consulting Congress, however, is an interesting question. It would perhaps pacify Obama's left-wing, setting a new precedent of restraint for a constituency hungry for limits on executive power. It also allows Obama to diffuse the responsibility for war (and funding). Most interesting, it would align Obama with the Constitution - he may defer to the long-established War Powers executive privilege as well as the Constitution's allocation of war decisions to Congress. Having already authorized military options, it would be an act of humility following action. But the effect would likely be a circus in Congress, and the entire crisis would be resolved before Congress actually brought the issue to a vote.
Military
A Child's Wish and the US Army
Men and Women
The New Gender Gap
This means that by the time today's Chinese newborns reach adulthood, there will be a chronic shortage of potential spouses. According to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, one in five young men will be brideless. Within the age group 20 to 39, there will be 22 million more men than women. Imagine 10 cities the size of Houston populated exclusively by young males.Ferguson draws upon economics and history--but most of all, on Hemingway--for examples of what might be on the horizon in an Asia without female influence. Interesting and important to contemplate? Yes. Appealing or cheering? Decidedly not.
Military
RIP Frank Buckles
Technology
Technology, Politics, and War
Foreign Affairs
The Guns of Switzerland
Military
Missile Defense
Shameless Self-Promotion
Civil Military Relations
Foreign Affairs
Churchill and an Earlier War on Terror
Bioethics
The Brave New World of War
How long will it be before some countries try to put the latest in brain science to evil use? Consider this study:
The story of SM, a 44-year-old woman whose rare genetic condition has selectively destroyed the brain's twinned set of amygdala, shows the clear downside of a life without fear. . . .
This fearlessness may be fine in the safety of one's living room, but it turns out that SM makes her own horror films in real life. She walks through bad neighborhoods alone at night, approaches shady strangers without guile, and has been repeatedly threatened with death.
Much of the discussion of the abuse of biology has to do with destroying or modifying embryos' genetic code. As we learn more about the brain, surgery might become another option. Would a nation try to create an army full of men who literally are incapable of fear?
Military
Now that the DADT is Done
Read the whole thing for a good insight into the potential problems.(and, perhaps, some possible solutions to those problems) this change in policy is likely to bring with it.
Military
Forgetting Pearl Harbor
Military
Missing the Point on DADT . . .
There are many problems with this approach, not the least of which is the way this assumption hinges on the absurd progressive notion that equal justice to individuals, rather than being the result of objective observations about human nature and politics that demand prudent implementation, is merely a hazy outline that comes into being via some vague and sliding evolutionary scale of cosmic understanding. In this view, one supposes, we will come to a day when all distinctions are finally grasped as nothing more than backward looking and irrational clinging to Neanderthal prejudices. So, whenever sensible people raise specific objections about broad-brushed applications of this kind one-size-fits-all "justice," those who put their faith in the notion of a coming and superior enlightenment can reply with smug self-satisfaction, "Don't worry. Be Happy. It's all good." What could possibly go wrong?
Of course, at the end of this mythical yellow-brick road, when human consciousness has reached this "happy" level of agreement about the equal value of everything, I suppose the thinking is that there won't be much to argue about or to fight for . . . which makes the centering of this particular struggle around homosexual service in the military all the more strange.
But there's even more than this flighty logic to object to in the pro-repeal argument. Denying the distinctions between black soldiers and openly homosexual soldiers in terms of civil rights is flatly outrageous--and it's also insulting to the vast majority of combat soldiers who, today, object to the idea of eliminating DADT. In the first place, it suggests that having black skin and preferring sex with a member of your own sex are, essentially, the same thing. One is an incontrovertible fact that cannot be denied and has no inherent moral consequences, the other--though perhaps an innate trait--is, at best, neither obvious nor important information for sharing and, at worst, potentially damaging to unit cohesiveness when it is shared. A gay man need not share his inclinations with others--a black man can only avoid sharing the fact of his skin color with the blind. It is a stupid and an insulting comparison. Further, it suggests that there is a moral equivalence between objecting to being near a person because of his skin color and objecting to being near a person because of his behavior. Thus, a man who prefers not to shower or live in close quarters with an openly homosexual man is the moral equivalent of a racist.
I have no doubt that gay soldiers today under DADT serve with honor and in close quarters with heterosexuals and do all of that without incident and even do it with the passive "knowledge" of their peers. And no rational or fair minded person would support outright cruelty to any person. But there has to be more nuance to an argument about the fair and just treatment of homosexuals than this argument comparing it to the struggle for the civil rights of blacks suggests.
Finally, Owens argues that comparing the integration of the military under Truman to a proposed integration of openly homosexual soldiers today, ignores one massive, fundamental and important fact: the purpose of our armed forces. "The 'functional imperative,' i.e. the purpose of the U.S. armed forces is to fight and win the nation's wars," says Owens, "Truman's order was motivated by concerns about military effectiveness, not civil rights." American blacks have fought and died in America's wars since the Revolution (and, yes, I suppose, homosexuals have too). The question then, was not how do we "open up" the service to them to make it fair--for no one was blocking them--the question was how do we make their service most effective? What is the most prudent and effective means of achieving the military's goals? Under Truman, the wise and happy conclusion was integration.
If there is to be any comparison between the situation of homosexuals in the military and the one time situation of blacks in the military then, perhaps it should be this: No one is blocking them. The question is not whether they can serve, but how their service might best serve the ends of the military. Until homosexual activists can show that eliminating DADT would not only not harm military readiness but would actually do something to improve it, they have no argument worthy of consideration. That they cannot demonstrate this has nothing to do with their frustrated whines about bowing to the "backward thinking" among enlisted soldiers and everything to do with the fact that their complaint is completely beside the point of the armed forces.
Military
Semper Fidelis
Military
Go Ahead and Ask
From WaPo:
A federal judge has issued a nationwide injunction stopping enforcement of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy, ending the military's 17-year-old ban on openly gay troops.
[The] landmark ruling Tuesday was widely cheered by gay rights organizations that credited her with getting accomplished what President Obama and Washington politics could not.
U.S. Department of Justice attorneys have 60 days to appeal. Legal experts say they are under no legal obligation to do so and they could let Phillips' ruling stand.
While Obama has stated his desire for Congress to decide the matter, I assume this is one of those occasions in which the administration is very content to have a court overturn its own policy. Yet I doubt this mode of victory will inspire gays to rally behind the Democrats, whereas social conservatives are far more likely to find anti-Democratic motivation in the ruling.
Some assumed the Dems would repeal DADT in the post-November lame duck session. Should this ruling prevent such a vote and then be overruled after the GOP assume control of the House, the ruling would have the ironic effect of cementing DADT in law for the foreseeable future.
Politics
Obama's Post-Modernism Strikes Again, on 9/11
In his 9/11 speech at the Pentagon, the President declares that our enemies
may seek to exploit our freedoms, but we will not sacrifice the liberties we cherish or hunker down behind walls of suspicion and mistrust. They may wish to drive us apart, but we will not give in to their hatred and prejudice. For Scripture teaches us to "get rid of all bitterness, rage and anger, brawling and slander, along with every form of malice."
(Note the context of the Ephesians 4:31 quotation. Paul goes on to urge slaves and masters not to be angry with one another and that wives should obey their husbands. Paul's goal here is not submissiveness of men to each other but above all to God.)
This meekness Obama declares on "a day of remembrance, a day of reflection, and -- with God's grace -- a day of unity and renewal." And what does this unity consist of?
Those who attacked us sought to demoralize us, divide us, to deprive us of the very unity, the very ideals, that make America America -- those qualities that have made us a beacon of freedom and hope to billions around the world. Today we declare once more we will never hand them that victory. As Americans, we will keep alive the virtues and values that make us who we are and who we must always be.
And what virtues and values make us one? Evidently the most unAmerican person is an angry one. It follows that the American should lack this most fundamental passion for politics. (This said at the Pentagon!) I suppose we should save our anger for BP executives, Republicans, fanatical pastors, etc.
Obama appropriately recalls the Declaration:
Like generations before us, let us come together today and all days to affirm certain inalienable rights, to affirm life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness. On this day and the days to come, we choose to stay true to our best selves -- as one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
But contrary to Obama's suggestion, defending rights and being angry are inseparable. When justice is the goal, anger humanizes.
Moreover, maintaining there is a right to burn a Koran and a right to build a mosque near the 9/11 site reveals utter confusion about rights. As Lincoln argued in debating with Douglas, there is never a right to do wrong. In a regime of freedom, we permit willful, stupid, and even immoral actions to occur without punishing them. And defending such actions as rights diminishes their dignity and what makes virtues of real rights. Freedoms of speech, religion, and property become mere "values," which can be bargained away or accommodated like anything else. Hence 9/11 becomes a day for anaesthesia.
Presidency
Presidents and their generals
Ashbrook Center
On Principle
Military
The Art of War
Military
A Warrior Retires
Military
McChrystal Retires
Defense Secretary Robert Gates will also be there and is scheduled to deliver remarks. Only three reporters will be allowed to be present: Greg Jaffe from the Washington Post, Julian Barnes from the Wall Street Journal, and Gordon Lubold from Politico. Here is Mac Owen's take on the McChrystal affair and the broader issue of U.S. Civil-Military relations.
Military
Cups of Tea
Foreign Affairs
Iran and Missile Defense
We don't have a missile defense that can handle threats from Iran. So warn former CIA Director James Woolsey and Rebeccah Heinrichs. The Bush Administration was building one, but Obama scrapped it, replacing it with one that "offers no added protection for the U.S. until 2020. That's almost certainly too little too late." Moreover, might the new Obama strategic arms agreement with Russia limit our sovereign right of self-defense?
Rebeccah Ramey Heinrichs is a former Ashbrook Scholar. A former manager of the House Bipartisan Missile Defense Caucus, she is now an adjunct fellow of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. (She is also officially a DC beautiful person, a status she indeed holds by nature.)
Military


