Froma Harrop is (revealingly) unimpressed with Peggy Noonan's latest insight (explained here in
her WSJ column
from over the weekend). In that column, Noonan notes the stunning (and
ironically similar) flaw of both President Obama and President George
W. Bush: their dangerous lack of regard for public opinion. Of
course, Noonan is not the first to note that--in what some call
"arrogance"--Obama and Bush may be but two sides of the same tarnished
coin. But Noonan--always a thoughtful observer of the ways (or lack of
ways) any particular President has of shaping public opinion--gives us
one better by offering a serious reflection on why a thing sometimes
labeled "self-confidence" or "courage" can swiftly degenerate into
"arrogance" in a republic like ours:
I am wondering if the Obama administration thinks it vaguely
dishonorable to be popular. If you mention to Obama staffers that they
really have to be concerned about the polls, they look at you with a
certain . . . not disdain but patience, as if you don't understand the
purpose of politics. That purpose, they believe, is to move the
governed toward greater justice. Just so, but in democracy you do this
by garnering and galvanizing public support. But they think it's
weaselly to be well thought of.
Froma
Harrop's criticism of Noonan's piece centers on her selective and
limited reading of this quote. Harrop is correct to notice, but wrong
to object, that Noonan (and many other conservatives) now critical of
Barack Obama's disregard for the polls were, at one time, equally
critical of Bill Clinton for his transparently poll-driven operation
and full of echoes about Reagan's greatness precisely because his
opinions
were not poll-driven. In that spirit and because of
the Reagan example, many Reagan conservatives were also loath to
condemn Bush 43 for his oft remarked-upon willingness to advance
unpopular positions. They preferred to advance a view of Bush--whether
born out of firm conviction or labored for out of the suggestive power
of hope--as American cowboy saddled with foresight.
I am
disappointed in Harrop for this simple-minded "gotcha" critique.
Noonan, like all thoughtful conservatives, does not disagree with the
suggestion that a statesman's purpose is to "move the governed toward
greater justice" (though, clearly, she and Harrop--to say nothing of
Barack Obama--may differ greatly in their understanding of what greater
justice is). Noonan here is making an argument about political
prudence and, moreover, an argument about the nature of justice in
American politics.
Early on in his career, Abraham Lincoln
called public opinion, "the great moving principle of free government."
Many years later, in his first debate with Douglas, Lincoln said, "With
public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed."
So Lincoln understood that this "great moving principle" must be
regarded--and heeded--even if it was not always deserving of unalloyed
respect. The role of a statesman, therefore, is always to move public
opinion in the direction of a closer relationship with truth and
justice. Lincoln, having more respect for the people he might so
"move" preferred to describe this as persuading them to "rise to the level
of equality"--that is, to make themselves equal in merit to the precious rights their
birth as human beings demanded all just governments (and all just men)
to regard. Lincoln, being a just man, regarded those rights and
respected the people he sought to govern by making the best case
possible for the policies he wanted to carry out. But he did not imagine that he could do it without them.
His views did not
always make Lincoln a popular man--at least they did not make him popular
in all quarters. In many ways and among many people he was (and is) a
most unpopular man. Bush's defenders were not wrong, therefore, in
saying that unpopularity by itself, is not the best gauge of goodness
or righteousness, even in a democratic republic. By the same token one
can say that popularity, by itself, is an insufficient guide to
goodness and righteousness. Assuming a fundamental and elementary goodness on the part of the American people, there must be something fundamentally
wrong with the statesmanship of a president who--over the long course of
public debate--cannot secure to himself a majority
if his proposed course is just. And it is also fair to suggest, in the final analysis, that there may have been
something wrong with his course . . .
President
Obama and his defenders, though eager to denounce the arrogance of the
Bush administration, seem to be doing this while preparing to jump off
the plank of their own party's eye. It is as though the elections of
2006 and 2008 never happened . . . they came to victory entirely by
their own merits and by their own sheer "wonderfulness," I suppose. They
appear to have done what all sensible political men ought never to do; that is, they believe their own good press.
It remains to be seen what
Republicans in 2010 will do with this opportunity once it can no longer be
denied that it is being handed to them. If they act as statesmen and
use this chance to refine and enlarge the public views by making powerful arguments on behalf of Republican ideas and, in so doing, demonstrate a respect for the native good sense and intelligence of the
voters, it is hard to seem them failing. But Noonan's closing in which
she examines the situation on the ground does not cheer me. Waiting
for the Democrats to destroy themselves is a crass strategy and, what's worse,
it is lazy . . . perhaps, even, indicative of a lack of ideas. There is a stirring of public sentiment happening right
now in the so-called "tea party" movement that is happening
in spite of
Republican efforts. It ought to be happening
because of them and,
moreover, it should not take a wizened old tea-leaf reader like Peggy Noonan to tell them
that it will be better for the country if that tea were filtered.
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